Gale McGee papers

This speech, titled "Vietnam - A Living Example for Implementing the American Spirit", was delivered on the floor of the U.S. Senate. In it, Senator McGee described his observations about South Vietnam based on his recent visit to the country. He spoke of a young but determined nation, struggling against communism while trying to build stability, an economy, and hope for its people. He urged Americans to support Vietnam not just with military aid, but also with long-term economic and social programs.

In this speech, titled "The U.S. Role in Southeast Asia", McGee argues that the U.S. should not rush into negotiations over Vietnam but instead stand firm to show strength. He explained that America needed to stop communist expansion in Southeast Asia, comparing the situation to earlier Cold War conflicts and warning that retreat would only encourage aggression. McGee called for clear action, including drawing a strong line at VIetnam's 17th parallel, military pressure, and eventually negotiating from a position of strength.

U.S. Secretary of State Dean Rusk explains that the U.S. had paused bombing in North Vietnam for 40 days to encourage peace talks, but leaders in Hanoi rejected every offer and continued sending troops and supplies south. Because of this, President Johnson decided to resume bombing while still encouraging the involvement of the United Nations to explore chances for peace.

Smith, of Moorcroft, Wyoming, writes to McGee telling him of his support for McGee's position on Vietnam. The letter is typical of those received by McGee from constituents who support the war.

This brief newspaper article discusses Senator Gale McGee's debate with his U.S. Senate colleagues who have been critical of the U.S. involvement in South Vietnam. 

The article reports that North Vietnam installed thousands of new anti-aircraft weapons around Hanoi and Haiphong during a pause in U.S. bombing, making it much harder for American planes to strike. U.S. officials explained that attacking these North Vietnamese cities could cause heavy civilian casualties, while also revealing that the Soviet Union and China were shipping large quantities of military supplies to North Vietnam.

The press release criticizes American indifference to brutal acts carried out by U.S. forces and South Vietnamese allies during the Vietnam War. It warns that such actions not only betray America’s values but also make it harder to win the trust and support of the Vietnamese people.

Lemaster sends McGee a copy of a letter she has written to President Lyndon B. Johnson. She urges Johnson to put the full power of the U.S. army, navy and air force behind the troops in Vietnam. McGee responds noting that he has just returned from a visit to Southeast Asia. He reports his observations from South Vietnam to Lemaster.

This magazine article describes the hate mail related to the Vietnam War received by members of Congress, including Senator Gale McGee. The mail comes from both the political right and the political left and is sometimes filled with insults, conspiracy theories, and even death threats. The article points out that fear, misinformation, and frustration have led some people to attack government leaders rather than having thoughtful discussions about the war.

Schurmann, a history professor, writes to McGee. He attaches an open letter to congress, in which he warns that America’s bombing of North Vietnam could lead to a much larger war with China. He urged Congress to fully debate why the U.S. was in Vietnam, arguing that the real issue was containing China’s rise to power, and said that without open discussion, America risked sliding into an unnecessary and dangerous war.

Murie writes to McGee urging him to pursue peace with Vietnam. McGee replies, saying that while he opposes reckless bombing of cities, he believes limited strikes to stop supplies and aggression are necessary, and predicts that peace would likely come only slowly after long, difficult fighting.

Meredith, the father of a son serving in Vietnam, writes to McGee urging him to support extensive bombing in Vietnam. McGee replies that President Johnson had resumed bombing to block supplies from the north, and he noted that the sacrifices of young soldiers like Meredith’s son were serving the cause of freedom.

The article discusses possible peace talks in Vietnam, explaining that the U.S. and its allies want negotiations that excluded the Viet Cong, while North Vietnam insisted they be included. Lippmann also reflects on President Johnson’s policy, noting that while Johnson has argued tyranny abroad affects America, critics have warned against acting like the U.S. must police the entire world.

Karelsen tells McGee that he believes the U.S. should not be involved in Vietnam, arguing it was immoral to kill people for different beliefs and that America had no right to interfere in another country’s revolution. McGee replies that while war is tragic, he supports U.S. involvement as the least bad option, saying it was necessary to stop a harsh dictatorship from taking over South Vietnam and to bring long-term stability to the region.

This newsletter, distributed by Senator McGee's office, is devoted to McGee's visit to Vietnam where he met with troops from Wyoming and had a chance to observe the war firsthand.

Thich Nhat Hanh, a Vietnamese Buddhist monk, explains that many Vietnamese people oppose U.S. policies because they felt excluded from deciding their own country’s future and see the war causing great suffering. He urges the U.S. to stop bombing, plan a withdrawal, and support a truly independent Vietnamese government, saying real peace requires listening to the people rather than propping up corrupt leaders.

This report, written by an anonymous Air Force pilot flying missions in Vietnam, notes that missions were often wasteful, with shortages of effective bombs, inflated sortie numbers, and costly attacks on small or unimportant targets. He criticizes U.S. leaders for focusing on safety and politics instead of real victory, leaving many pilots frustrated and disheartened.

In this newspaper editorial, Professor Osgood writes that if Americans react with anger or revenge with respect to the capture of U.S. pilots in North Vietnam, it could make their situation worse. He argues that the U.S. should respond calmly and avoid rash military escalation.

In this speech, Senator McGee explained that America’s role in Vietnam was not about conquering or forcing American values on others, but about keeping balance and preventing the spread of conflict in Asia. He argued that the war was painful and confusing because it was the first modern war shown daily on TV. McGee said that while the U.S. couldn’t guarantee victory, it needed to stay committed so that Vietnam might have a chance for peace and stability in the future.

U.S. President Lyndon B. Johnson writes to North Vietnam President Ho Chi Minh, offering to stop bombing and begin peace talks if North Vietnam will reduce its military actions. Ho Chi Minh rejected the U.S. proposal, blaming the U.S. for causing destruction in Vietnam and insisting that America must completely and unconditionally stop its aggression before any talks could happen.

Wurfel has recently returned from South Vietnam where he was an election observer. In his report, he writes that he found the election to be flawed, with major candidates unfairly excluded, widespread censorship, and intimidation. He reported that fraud on election day was extensive, including fake votes, ballot stuffing, and manipulation of results, which made the government seem illegitimate to many Vietnamese.

In this article, Political Science Professor de Sola Pool argues that peace in Vietnam will not come from a show of U.S. military force and conventional warfare.  He argues that the South Vietnamese Army (ARVN) needs reform and that negotiation and amnesty for the Viet Cong will be necessary in order to achieve peace.

This letter and the attached report was prepared by a group of peace-concerned religious and student communities in the U.S. after the group made a fact-finding trip to South Vietnam. They discovered that the South Vietnamese government was brutally suppressing demonstrations for peace by citizens of South Vietnam.

At a time when anti-war protests were raging and receiving widespread press coverage, this bulletin highlights instances of support for the Nixon administration's policies with respect to Vietnam and Southeast Asia.

This paper, published by the Stanford Biological Study Group, explains how U.S. military actions during the Vietnam War caused massive long-term damage to the environment and people. It describes how chemicals like Agent Orange destroyed forests, farmland, and even led to birth defects, while bombings and forced relocations ruined homes and communities.

This article argues that anti-war protests in the United States gave North Vietnam hope that America would lose its will to fight, making them less willing to negotiate peace. It gives examples from North Vietnamese newspapers, radio broadcasts, and leaders praising American demonstrators and claiming the protests helped their cause.

Torkelson, the mother of a prisoner or war, writes to ask for McGee's support in taking congressional action to keep visible the plight of the POWs in Southeast Asia.

The article describes how, during the Tet Offensive of 1968, North Vietnamese and Viet Cong forces took control of the city of Hue and carried out mass executions of civilians. Thousands of men, women, and children were killed and buried in mass graves, often because they were seen as connected to the South Vietnamese government or the United States.

This article profiles a group of young men who were all from Our Lady of Guadalupe Catholic parish in Chicago, Illinois. All were killed in action in Vietnam and Cambodia. The article is a poignant reminder that the burden of military service in Vietnam fell disproportionately on young men from poor and lower-middle class families and on minority communities.

Congressman Paul N. McCloskey, a decorated Marine veteran, returned from a fact finding tour of Vietnam calling the war “immoral” and urging the U.S. to withdraw quickly. He argued that the policy of destroying villages and using heavy firepower was causing huge civilian suffering. McCloskey believed the U.S. was fueling endless war and said America should focus on peace negotiations and helping South Vietnam govern itself.

Clark writes to McGee asking him to work towards the immediate and complete withdrawal of all military personnel in the Vietnam War. McGee replies that he supports efforts to withdraw troops, but in an orderly and planned fashion. By 1971, most of the letters received by McGee were opposing the war.

Binh writes from Paris where she was representing the Central Committee of the National Front for Liberation and the Provisional Revolutionary Government (PRG) of the Republic of South Vietnam. She represented the Viet Cong, a communist opposition group in South Vietnam. She was the only woman to participate in peace discussions in Paris.

Meany, president of the AFL-CIO, writes to McGee expressing his concern about systematic terrorism by the North Vietnamese against South Vietnamese civilians as the North Vietnamese closed in on Saigon. He urges U.S. support for the evacuation of South Vietnamese allies and attaches a list of incidents reported to the U.S. Embassy in Saigon. 

The article discusses how many Americans were upset about Vietnamese refugees coming to the U.S. after the fall of Saigon, worrying about jobs, government aid, and cultural differences. It argues that these fears were exaggerated, since the number of refugees was small compared to the whole U.S. population and America had a duty to help them because of its role in Vietnam.

Patterson writes of her concern about Vietnamese refugees coming to the U.S. McGee replies that the use of American troops to evacuate Vietnamese civilians was prohibited by the U.S. Congress. Patterson's letter is representative of the many received by McGee both before and after the fall of Saigon.

Tran Van Lam writes to Vice President Rockefeller asking him to appeal to the U.S. Senate for help in fighting renewed aggression by North Vietnam, despite the 1973 Paris Agreement which included a cease-fire. Rockefeller replies that President Ford has asked for the U.S. Congress to approve an additional $300 million in military assistance to South Vietnam and forwards Lam's letter to Senator Gale McGee.